Today we are seeing, proliferating throughout Europe, ‘integration’ / assimilation courses, and exams for residency and citizenship, which often include disturbingly subjective elements as tests of values and character.
But one does not have to go overboard in favour of assimilation, as a reaction to perceived extremes of multiculturalism : there is a golden mean. An appropriate multiculturalism (as in Canada) can create space for religious and cultural recognition [even providing – as an interim measure – ethnic language teaching and media] – while every inch of the way proactively inducting the newcomers into a proper accommodation with the host-culture, e.g., teaching them the language, allowing them vote in local elections. It must be kept in mind that the fears of local populations are most often not rooted in any threat to national identity – but in the effect of behaviours which offend democratic and civic norms (norms springing from core values based on a belief in human rights, and espoused almost universally by Western nations).
Much of the blame for ‘ghettoisation’ can be laid at the door of some host-countries who adopted no multicultural initiatives whatever. But a different problem is where multiculturalism has not been followed through fully : it can be accused of simply assigning a separate political and geographic space to each ethnic community – and of not having brought them together in a shared religious, social or moral space. A related problem is stereotyping : Ten years ago, we separated conceptually Egyptians, Pakistanis, Turks and Moroccans; today we tend to lump them together as ‘Muslims’ – and multicultural policies have been blamed for enabling radicalisation and violent fundamentalism. It is vital to draw old-timers and newcomers alike into society – by insisting on shared experiences.
The whole question of migration flows and quotas may one day come up for discussion – and here, some principles are non-negotiable : On the one hand, we may not bend over backwards towards immigrants, and admit religious and cultural paradigms which infringe either the laws of a liberal democracy (such as gender rights). On the other hand, we may not unjustly favour the host-population by failing to enforce anti-discrimination laws (for instance, in the job market) – or by failing to ensure that the numerical presence of the newcomers is proportionately represented in public life.
Even if Ireland had no immigrants, our further-education and re-training opportunities are unsatisfactory. These must be revamped – and newcomers given equal access. Indeed, access to basic schooling from age 3 (together with language tuition) has been found internationally to be a crucial predictor of future success for newcomers.
In the schools – and in housing estates – the racial mix must be appropriate. The schools need to offer a citizenship and social studies curriculum focused on diversity and on articulating connected problems.
Peter D. Sutherland is Special Representative for Migration and Development of the Secretary General of the United Nations
(This article is based on an address delivered to the Irish Catholic Bishops Conference on 23rd November 2007)
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